Vigin of Suyapa is GOLPISTA (coupster), according to David Romero Ellner

In Globo TV, the journalist David Romero Ellner, who has served time in prison for raping his own daughter, said today that “the Virgin of Suyapa is GOLPISTA (coupster), they have made her GOLPISTA (coupster), for holding the title of Captain of the Armed Forces”.

Romero Ellner has been a major supporter of Manuel Zelaya, who sought to perpetuate in office through a manipulated opinion poll.

“If the Virgin of Suyapa was so miraculous as they say, she should have caused the temple to fall upon dictator Micheletti, when he paid a visit to her”, said the social communicator.

Today an early morning celebration was held at the Shrine of Suyapa in honor of the Virgin, attended by thousands of people.

February 3 marks the day dedicated to that image, to which many Honduran Catholics regard as the PATRON SAINT OF HONDURAS .

The worship of the little image of Suyapa began in the XVII century, and the military has claimed her as their captain decades before the supposed COUP D’ETAT.

One year of the Lobo Administration

Current President of Honduras, Porfirio Lobo
President Porfirio Lobo

Lets check the achievements of the Porfirio Lobo Administration: Honduras managed to stabilize its economy after the consequences of the 2009 political crisis. It achieved recognition from many nations, after the erroneous perception of a COUP D’ETAT. This is a very important step.

The Lobo administration had a good start in 2011, boosting major development projects, such as Charter Cities, hydropower projects located by the Patuca river, and the Jicatuyo and Llanitos hydroelectric projects. He also inaugurated the Wind Energy Project of Cerro de Hula.

But the way the Lobo administration has been handling the political issues seems to be mistaking. After getting from Congress an amnesty decree for political crimes supposedly committed by both sides of the 2009 conflict, President Lobo has been stubborn in his intent to get for Mr. Manuel Zelaya an state of total impunity in all the charges levelled against him. This interference in the affairs of the judiciary makes him look bad among those in Honduras that wish for greater respect for the law. I am of the opinion that the main cause of the political crisis of 2009 was the open disrespect of Mr. Zelaya for the legal order, and President Lobo seems unable to apply that lesson to himself.

The stubbornness with which President Porfirio Lobo brings up the subject of re-election produces anxiety to a section of the population. It is believed in Honduras that Zelaya’s illegal attempts to allow re-election were the cause of his overthrown. One would think that an issue that causes so much tension would be abandoned, but that’s not what President Lobo thinks. So much for peace an reconciliation.

The amendments to the article 5 of the Constitution, allowing for the people the possibility to be consulted on the issue of re-election makes many people nervous. Some people wonders if President Lobo is following the steps of Zelaya, who in his eagerness to promote the “fourth ballot box” was forcefully removed from office.

Porfirio Lobo says the Honduran people gave him a clear mandate at the ballot boxes, to fight for peace and reconciliation. But President Lobo has a strange idea of what reconciliation means. He believes, apparently, that reconciliation involves passing over the legal system and the separation of branches, in his attempt to favor the side of Zelaya. Lobo believes he can appease the groups that support Zelaya, but the reactions of these groups, both nationally and internationally, show the opposite. This complacency with the inflexible Zelayistas makes him look weak in the eyes of many Hondurans.

More worrisome is the fact that he has given the National Agrarian Institute in the hands of the Zelayista Cesar Ham, who apparently has used his position to aggravate the agrarian conflict in the Bajo Aguan instead of solving it. But President Lobo refuses to dismiss this minister, because of his distorted idea of the “national reconciliation” concept, that he identifies as a distribution of government positions.

President Lobo is also criticized for creating the new Secretariat of Human Rights in times of economic crisis, when the State can not afford to create more bureaucracy. But President Lobo did it, because he believes this new ministry will appease the human right agencies which have echoed the slanders against Honduras in this issue.

An action much criticized by the public opinion was the removal of Mr. Federico Alvarez’ citizenship. Mr. Alvarez is a naturalized Honduran of Costa Rican origin, who was notable for his criticism against the Lobo Administration in La Tribuna newspaper. Public opinion has interpreted this action as an attack against freedom of expression. The government argues that Mr. Federico Alvarez didn’t have his documentation of naturalization in order.

Despite his clear preference in favor of those who sympathize with former President Zelaya, and his denigration of those who oppose him, President Porfirio Lobo likes to define himself as a moderate politician, far from the extremes of Left and Right. But the truth is that, despite coming from a historically conservative party like the National Party, President Lobo has a clear leftist tendency, which leaves the old guard of the National Party somewhat perplexed.

Hopefully in 2011, President Lobo will focus on development projects for the country, relegating the Zelaya issue. Too much has been done to appease Honduras’ enemies.

Successful Business Women in Honduras

A short list of leading female entrepreneurs in Honduras.

Elizabeth “Lizzy” Flores. Representative of Honduras in the United Nations Organization (UN) and successful entrepreneur.

Aline Flores. Chairwoman of the Chamber of Commerce and Industries of Tegucigalpa and Vice Chairwoman of Corporacion Flores.

Juliette Handal. Pharmaceutical entrepreneur and Coordinator of the Patriotic Coalition.

Jackelyne Flefil. CEO of the Cell Phone Company, Tigo.

Adda Molina. Digicel’s Marketing Manager.

Ana María Kafaty. TV Programme Planning Manager of Televicentro and visionary entrepreneur.

Sandra Gianinni. First Vice Chairwoman of Corporate Banking of Ficohsa Financial Group.

Josefina Perez. Sales and Marketing Officer of Emisoras Unidas.

Mey-Lang Hung. Corporate Affairs Officer of Walmart of Mexico and Central America in Honduras.

Maria Selman. CEO of Banco del País.

Vilma Morales. Chairwoman of the National Commission for Banking and Insurance. She was also the first Chairwoman of the Supreme Court.

Claudia Discua. Corporate Image Manager of Ficohsa Financial Group.

Successful women in Fashion Business.

Nelly Raudales. CEO of chain hair salon Esther, the largest one in the capital city.

Jacqueline D’Vicente.CEO of Jacqueline’s Boutique, in Choluteca.

Gladys Cuestas. Fashion Designer, President of Couture Mod ‘Art

Marcia Lagos. CEO of Boutique Da’lila and Da’lila Accessories.

Source: Revista Cheque. January 2011. Issue # 170.

Honduran Public Holidays and Commemorative Days

Honduran heroes and national symbols

These are the public holidays in Honduras:

Days off in Honduras
January 1 New Year’s Day
September 15 Independence Day
Holy Week Movable Feasts (Maundy Thursday and Good Friday)
April 14 Day of The Americas (Pan American Day)
May 1 Workers’ Day (Labor Day)
October 3 Soldier’s Day (Francisco Morazan’s Birthday)
October 12 Hispanic Day or Discovery of the Americas (Columbus Day)
October 21 Armed Forces’ Day
December 25 Christmas Day

There are a couple of days that are not days off for the people in general, but in which school and college students do not attend classes:

June 11 Student’s Day (Jose Trinidad Reyes’ Birthday)
September 10 Children’s Day
September 17 Teacher’s Day

The Children’s Day is a day off only in primary schools, and the Student’s Day only in high schools. It is common for high school students to take the rest of the week off, the “Student’s Week”. Even more common is that, besides Maundy Thursday and Good Friday, students take the rest of the week off, the Holy Week.

Public holidays are not always granted as stated above, sometimes there are long weekends intended “to promote domestic tourism.” The problem is the government never plans these changes with anticipation and when in doubt people cannot make plans in advance.

Also commemorated as a special days are:

January 6 Three Wise Men Day or Epiphany Day
January 25 National Women’s Day
February 3 Day of the Virgin of Suyapa
February 14 Day of Love and Friendship (Valentine’s Day)
February 23 Friendship Day
March 8 International Women’s Day
March 19 Father’s Day
April 23 Spanish Language Day
Second Sunday of May Mothers Day
May 30 National Tree Day or Pine Day
June 28 Scarlet Macaw and White-tailed Deer Day (National Animals)
July 14 Honduran Day (Honduran Heritage Day, Hondurenity Day)
July 14 Bastille Day
July 14 Educator’s Day (Ramon Rosa’s Birthday)
July 20 Lempira Day (Indigenous’ Day)
August 3 Race Flag Day (Bandera de la Raza day)
September 1 National Flag Day
Last Sunday of September Bible Day
September 28 Delivery of the Independence Documents
September 29 Tegucigalpa Anniversary Day
October 9 Jose Dionisio de Herrera’s Birthday
October 13 Inter-American Culture Day
Last Saturday of October Thanksgiving Day
October 28 National Youth Day
November 1-2 Day of the Dead
November 22 Jose Cecilio del Valle’s Birthday
December 24 Christmas Eve
December 31 New Year’s Eve

Days of advocacy for different causes:

March 22 World Water Day
April 7 World Health Day
April 12 Day of the Black Ethnicity in Honduras
April 22 World Earth Day
Last Friday of April Day of Solidarity with the Handicapped
May 17 International Day Against Homophobia
May 31 Anti-Smoking Day, World Day against Drugs
June 5 World Environment Day
June 17 World Day to Combat Desertification and Drought
4th Friday of July School Snack Day
Last Week of August National Family Week
Last Sunday of August Grandparents’ Day
September 8 International Literacy Day
September 16 International Day for the Preservation of the Ozone Layer
October 1 Senior Citizen’s Day
First Saturday of October Inter-American Water Day
October 13 International Day for Disaster Reduction
October 16 World Food Day
October 24 Human Rights Day
October 24 United Nations Day
October 24 Day for the Defense of the Constitution
October 25 Breast Cancer Day
December 1 World AIDS Day
December 5 International Volunteer Day

Days of celebration for union-based organizations and professional people:

March 14 Sportsman’s Day
April 26 Secretary’s Day
April 30 Lawyer’s Day
April 30 Photographer’s Day
May 12 Nurse’s Day
May 15 Agronomist’s Day
May 17 Accountant’s Day
May 25 Journalist’s Day
April 30 Photographer’s Day
June 24 Graphic Arts Day
July 14 Educator’s Day
July 16 Civil Engineer’s Day
July 28 Street Sweeper’s Day
August 13 Volunteeer First Aid Assistant’s Day
September 4 National Day of the Honduran Red Cross
September 7 Taxi Driver’s Day
October 27 Doctor’s Day
October 31 Fireman’s Day
November 9 Psychologist’s Day
November 11 Dentist’s Day
November 22 Economist’s Day
November 30 Composer’s Day
December 1 Radio Announcer’s Day

The creation of Honduran Women’s Day

January 25 marks the Honduran Women’s Day, celebrated in memory of a historic date in which a major political conquest was achieved by the female population of Honduras, whose political rights were recognized through Decree No. 29 of 1955.

Through this presidential decree, approved by the administration of Julio Lozano Diaz, Honduran women could enjoy their political rights and get recognized their right to vote and to participate in the political activity of the country, thus going beyond the domestic space to an electoral and public arena.

The first time Honduran women participated in national elections was in the period from 1957 to 1963 when Ramon Villeda Morales was elected. Some limitations established at that time were for example, that only women who could read had the right to vote, despite most women were illiterate at the time.

Another negative aspect was the limited participation in elected offices. Unfortunately at present, although there is the Law of Equal Opportunities, women today, like yesterday, are still voting for male candidates, denying opportunities to many capable and honest women.

Women must conquer those political spaces by means of struggle and organized strategy. These spaces are not be accepted as gifts that presuppose gratitude and submission, but as gains achieved by their own efforts.

The women’s movement for their rights

Women’s movements in Honduras date from early last century. They are subsisting and expanding every day, despite the divisions, weaknesses and difficulties they face permanently.

From the 20’s comes the first women’s organization known as “Women’s Cultural Society” directed by Graciela Garcia and other known leaders who fought tenaciously for the vindication of Honduran women.

This movement promoted various cultural activities, contributed to the organization of workers and maintained the struggle against the 16-year dictatorship of Tiburcio Carias Andino.

The decade of the 50’s saw the begining of the Federation of Honduran Women’s Associations, inspired by the international suffrage movement. They fought together with other women for political rights, in the pursuit of achievements in the legal arena, leaving unresoveld the achievement of full citizenship.

It is from that time that our country witnessed the creation of a series of structures that had the primary purpose of giving protection to women and to assert their rights.

Interestingly, seven decades after these major battles and achievements, women are still demanding the same rights, in maquiladoras and other fields.

The historical contribution of the women organizations that have worked in the promotion and protection of the rights of Honduran women should be recognized and made visible, because here in Honduras, as in Central America and most of Latin America, the contribution of women in our history have been obscured.

Female activism

Among the women’s organizations that make efforts to assert the rights and achievements of women we could cite: Movement of Women for Peace “Visitacion Padilla”, Feminist Collective of University Women, Center for Women’s Rights CDM, Center for Women Studies-Honduras CEM-H, Honduran Association of Rural Women, Black Women Link, Association of Honduran Rural Women, Women’s Movement of the Lopez Arellano Residential Zone MUMUCLA, and Coordinator Block of Southern Women, among other valuable organizations.

Source: Vida Laboral, Edition #13.
Taken from La Tribuna, of January 25, 2011.

The myth of Honduras’ Independence Day

Honduran national emblem

Many Hondurans believe that Honduras’ Independence Day is on September 15, 1821. In fact, September 15th is a Honduran national holiday, and this date is at the foot of the national emblem surrounded by the Legend: Republic of Honduras, Free, Sovereign and Independent.

However, this is not correct.

Honduras did not come to life as an independent country, but as State that was part of the Central American Federation.

Another group of more informed Hondurans would tell us that September 15, 1821 is the date on which Central America proclaimed its independence from Spain, but this is also mistaken.

The famous “Declaration of Independence” of September 15, 1821 doesn’t even establish the Independence of Central America, but postpones the decision on this issue, delegating it to a Congress that that would meet in March 1822. That Congress never met.

In fact, the Bill of Independence of September 15, 1821 was just an aristocratic maneuver made to prevent an Independence with revolutionary scopes. The Bill of September 15th sought to maintain the colonial regime, with the same authorities that now wouldn’t be accountable before Spain.

Independence was only taken into consideration by the local elite of Spanish descent as measure of last resort to “prevent the terrible consequences that would follow in case the people itself proclaims it” as says the same declaration drafted -but not signed— by Jose Cecilio del Valle, considered as a national hero in Honduras.

This exposes the falsity of the claim found in the Honduran national anthem, the lyrics of which were written by Augusto C. Coello. A stanza of said anthem compares what happened on 15 September 1821 with the French Revolution.

The truth is that September 15, 1821 is not a glorious date of national liberation, but a date on which the expectations of the Patriots were betrayed and democracy was trampled, because the aristocracy immediately maneuvered to attach Central America to Iturbide’s Mexican Empire, in order to maintain their privileges threatened by a democratic and republican revolution. This annexation was declared on January 5, 1822.

The annexation bill to Mexico was drafted —and this time signed— by Jose Cecilio del Valle, which is held as a great hero in Honduras. And yet it was under the influence of Valle on the Mexican Congress that Central America won its independence from Mexico, Independence that was proclaimed officially on July 1, 1823 by the Central American Constituent Assembly.

The Constituent Assembly decided that the system of government of Central America would be republican and federal, granting autonomy to each of the five States that comprised it: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

Under this Constitution Manuel Jose Arce was elected as Central America’s first president on March 5, 1824, and on 16 September, 1824 Dionisio de Herrera was elected as the first Chief of State of Honduras.

But the Central American Federation was unable to consolidate under the strong opposition of conservatives, who wanted to preserve the oppressive system of privileges of the Spanish Colonization.

Upon Gen. Francisco Morazan fell the task of fighting against the anti-democratic reaction, which found a strong ally in Catholic obscurantism, but the proportion of forces didn’t favored him, and Morazan had to pay with his life the audacity to dream with the Great Central American Motherland. Morazan was executed by firing squad on September 15, 1842 in Costa Rica.

With the death of Morazan the conservative reaction triumphed, and the dream of a Central American Federation was truncated. But Honduras had already been declared independent of the Central American Federation on October 26, 1838. This date was of no glory to Honduras, it was a historical setback that sunk the Honduran government in a strong anti-Morazanic reaction in the hands of president Francisco Ferrera.

The democratic and republican ideal just begun timidly on 1876 in Honduras in the so called “Liberal Reform”, led by president Marco Aurelio Soto and his minister and advisor Ramon Rosa.

Then followed fifty years of fratricidal wars, ending in the 16-year dictatorship of Tiburcio Carias Andino. Carias ruled from 1933 to 1949.

Carias finally manages to put an end to civil wars and insurgent movements, with the downside of a high social cost, for the brutal repression that was unleashed against the enemies of the regime.

Carias administration’s repression achieved the consolidation of the Honduran State, but this consolidation was accompanied by subordination of the interests of Honduras to the U.S banana companies. The influence of the United States never allowed the Honduran State to be truly independent.

Gradually the Honduran people have been conquering more and more spaces of democratic freedom, but the cancer of internal corruption and the dependence on foreign aid is still an affront to the national dignity.

Honduras Independence, therefore, is not an epic event that happened in the past, as taught in Honduran formal education, but it is something that Honduras has been achieving with difficulty, and it’s still a project to be carried out.

If you want to know more about Honduran and Central American history you can order the book Understanding Central America: Global Forces, Rebellion, and Change on Amazon.

Source for this article: “Evolución histórica de Honduras”, by Longino Becerra. Baktun Editorial.

Patuca hydroelectric power projects speed up

The Honduran National Congress approved on Monday, January, 17 a decree for the construction of the hydroelectric power plants of Patuca II, Patuca IIA and Patuca III, in Olancho, and Los Llanitos and Jicatuyo in Santa Barbara.

It is expected that in three years Patuca III or Piedras Amarillas will be generating its first 104 megawatts of power, and then will begin the construction of Patuca II or Valencia and Patuca IIA or Tarrosa.

After the President makes a declaration of the areas to be expropriated, they will pass to the State ownership, with full rights.

An Appraisal Committee, composed of different state institutions, will determine the fair price to pay to the rightful owners of the land.

On February, 1 will begin the construction of the first phase of Patuca III, and it is expected that by January 2014 it will begin to generate electric power.

The Patuca III access road will be passing by Jamastran, department of El Paraiso.

The Patuca hydroelectric power project comprises three eastern departments: Olancho, El Paraiso and Colon. The projects will be funded by Mainland China, after Taiwan declined to do it last year.

These hydroelectric projects were pending from the administration of Manuel Zelaya, who could not carry them out.

It is projected that the three dams on the Patuca River will be completed in nine years, generating 524 megawatts of power.

With these hydropower projects Honduras will stop depending on thermal energy, thereby also getting cheaper energy.

The Ministry of Natural Resources (SERNA) determined that Patuca hydroelectric projects will not cause environmental damage in the Platano River Bioshphere, as that river does not even go near to that protected zone. Patuca projects have an environmental license expended by the Zelaya administration, however, in order to dispel any doubt, it has been subjected to an audit by the World Bank.

At first it was thought that this Patuca III hydroelectric power plant would take five years to build, but now with the help of the Continental Chinese the projected time has been reduced to three years.

For projects Los Llanitos and Jicatuyo a source of financing has not yet being identified, but the government is working on it.

Charter Cities are on their way in Honduras

Yesterday in Honduras were approved some changes to the Political Constitution by the National Congress, in order to clear the way for the establishment of Charter Cities in Honduras. This changes need to be ratified by the Congress after the 25th of this month.

The Honduran National Congress’ website explains what is the Honduras’ government conception of the Charter Cities, and its application to the Honduran reality:

What is a Model City or Charter City?

A Model City, or Charter City, as Americans call it, is a small territorial area of a particular country, with its own regulations and rapid economic development. In Honduras it is intended for the National Congress to approve that a small portion of the national territory may be selected with the intent of creating a center of progress and well-being, unique in the Latin-American region.

This city will have its own administration, depending on the National Government, that is, it will have a governor of Honduran nationality who will direct or administer that area or zone of the territory, who will be appointed by the President of the Republic then in office.

This kind of governor will have similar functions to that of a mayor in a municipality and therefore any issue raised will be resolved or judged by the local authority, either through a board or through any other means designated by the National Government.

In legal aspects the Judicial Branch will be able to intervene through certain judges with special characteristics, who are going to have their residence in the area in question. Tax collection will be internal, since these territories are established as free trade zones.

Education in these areas will be 100 percent bilingual. The English language is to be preferred, but other options are German, French or any European or Asian language.

In this way, and from this point of view, there would be no dismemberment of the national territory, because sovereignty is inviolable, as the Constitution says, but what would indeed exist is the participation of national and foreign investors attending this territory in order to express their intents regarding the behavior of its administration.

For the information of the people in general, this issue is being discussed and negotiated with the five political parties represented in the Legislative Branch, and with business and industry sectors of the country, since it is expected that this project will provide the nation a development never seen before, and as an example we can refer to what happens in Mainland China, where 16 zones of this nature already exist, as it was the case for many years with Hong Kong City.

In Honduras, various places of the national geography are being mentioned to build such city, as for example the Valley of Agalta in Olancho or some regions in the department of Colon, among others, which are almost uninhabited, almost pristine zones, that do not have any production, but in order to achieve this objective it is necessary and important to have the assistance of all country sectors.

Banana novel: Prision Verde (Green Prison) summary

This novel is certainly one of the most popular in Honduras, not for the perfection of the author’s literary art, but for his courageous denunciation of Honduran workers exploitation by the U.S. banana companies.

The author, Ramon Amaya Amador, worked for some time in the banana plantations sprinkling poison. When he practiced journalism he denounced the workers exploitation he witnessed by first hand, and for that reason he won the antipathy of the dictatorial regime of Tiburcio Carias Andino —a tyrant who defended the interests of the banana companies— so he had to leave the country in exile.

Ramon Amaya Amador used his banana field experience in the writing of this novel. The author’s purpose, rather than making a literary contribution, was to create a political consciousness able to produce social changes, improving the living conditions of Honduran workers.

According to writer Armando Garcia, the book Prision Verde “has been the most persecuted in the country. For a long time it was an evidentiary exhibit for imprisonment. The old men of my town still lower their voices to the mere mention of its name. Many times it was buried in the solitude of the yards after the Coup d’Etat.” (Armando Garcia, 1997).

Banana fields are described in the novel as a “green prison” because of the mysterious attraction they exerted on workers who live there, who despite being exploited and abused, felt the urge to stay working in the plantations despite all difficulties.

Amaya Amador began his story in the atmosphere of one of the companies’ offices, in which a “gringo boss” —Mr. Still— was trying to convince the landowner Luncho Lopez to sell his land to the banana company. In his attempt he was helped by two Lopez’s friends: Sierra and Cantillano, who had already sold their land, and tried to influence their friend to do the same, but he refused stubbornly.

After the meeting with the landlords, enters Mr. Martin Samayoa looking like homeless after wasting the money given to him by the Company for his land, hoping that Mr. Still would give him a job as a foreman, but Still despised him and sent him to find work as a laborer. Discouraged by the snub and with no money, Samayoa was lucky to meet worker Maximo Lujan, who took him to live in his house —a miserable crowded place where he lived with another plantation workers— and also got him a job sprinkling poison.

The foreman of the company, which gave the job to Samayoa, and for which Maximo Lujan also worked, was a Honduran who spoke with gringo accent, because his servility was so pathetic he wanted to imitate his gringo bosses, attitude which earned him the contempt and ridicule of those who worked for him, although for obvious reasons they did not dare to tell him that in his face.

In each book’s episode there is always some injustice done by the Company that causes outrage among plantation workers. But not everyone has the same awareness of their situation, some people have become accustomed to oppression, they see it as something normal in the world and do not complain. But Maximo Lujan’s group is becoming increasingly socially conscious. Contrary to proponents of indiscriminate violence as a response to oppression —like old Lucio Pardo- Lujan proposes that working class’ victory lies in its ability to organize, and that until they have created their own political party and brought down the dictatorship there cannot be a substantial improvement in the lives of plantation workers.

Lujan reads worker newspapers, he reads them out loud in the social gatherings at night with his comrades, those newspapers confirm his revolutionary beliefs and offer him new perspectives. The death of a comrade —Don Braulio— who also sprinkled venom— caused indignation to workers, it made them think. Facing the dead body of his comrade, who died from tuberculosis in the middle of work, Lujan says, “This man was one of the many deceived and exploited. He put his life force in the plantations, first with the desire to make a fortune and then by the need to earn a crust. He was eaten by the banana plantation! He died standing with the hose in his hand, serving the foreign masters.”

On traditional political parties: the National Party and the Liberal Party, Lujan says, “They have the same essence: oligarchy; they suffer the same disease: demagogy, and they serve the same master: the Banana Companies” … “In politics we need something different than traditional caudillismo, different than cronyism, than the paternalism of personages. We need to translate the aspirations of the working masses into a political ideal, and we need to translate this ideal into a real workers’ party, a real revolutionary party. We must not believe in idol-men. Our history is full of their promises.”

Women are also victims of the banana companies’ capitalist oppression. Poverty forces many female plantation workers to engage in prostitution. Gringotized Captain Benitez rapes and impregnates Catuca Pardo —a Lujan’s group’ woman— abandoning the resultant baby. A gringo boss —Mr. Jones— falls in love for Juana —another woman of Lujan’s group— but as she has a husband she rejects his advances. Given this situation, another gringo boss decides to send someone to
kill the husband, clearing the way for his comrade. After time, Juana makes a deal of regular sex with the gringo in love, in exchange for some money and a job as a poison sprinkler. She did this in order to help Catuca’s son. Juana never knew who killed her husband. Americanized Captain Benitez was also involved in this murder.

Estanio Parraga —the banana company lawyer— convinces landowner Luncho Lopez to work as a banana independent producer, coming to terms with the company. Luncho Lopez is excited with his new role as a banana entrepreneur, but the company does not give him the agreed supplies and this causes him to fall into ruin. At that point he realizes the company deceived him to make him fall into bankruptcy and force him to sell his property. But Lopez still stubbornly refuses to sell. Given this negative, the National Party’s government intervenes and threatens to take away his land by force. Luncho Lopez dies of sadness, because he had been a great defender of the nationalist dictatorship. In that moment he realized the stateless attitude of government authorities.

The other landowners, Cantillano and Sierra, also end up in ruin after being cheated in business by Estanio Parraga, who besides being the company’s lawyer was also a representative in Congress. Sierra and Cantillano ended up looking for jobs as laborers in the company, sharing the same misfortune that first felt upon Martin Samayoa.

Workers’ situation worsened with the rising prices of grocery store products, owned by the same banana company. The government collects taxes on workers in order to build schools and hospitals, yet they do not receive any of these services. And they are not allowed to protest and form unions.

When a crane driver died in an accident, a gringo boss gets mad at the deceased for spoiling the machine worth thousands of dollars, shouting angrily: “I’d rather have a hundred of these bastards dead!”. This causes great indignation to workers, who are fed up with humiliations, so they decide to strike. And they appoint Maximum Lujan as director of the strike, who accepts the charge,
even when he thinks the strike has been made prematurely.

Lujan was right. What happens next confirms it. The strike was quickly suppressed by the military. Lujan’s comrades are taken as prisoners, and he is killed and buried beneath a banana tree.

The old Lucio Pardo, in revenge for Lujan’s death —to whom he loved as his own kid— produced the derailment of a rail-car with important company people on board: a gringo boss —Mr. Foxer— two foremen: Encarnación Benítez and Carlos Palomo, and the Colonel who killed Lujan. They all die in the accident.

The gringo bosses wanted to give and exemplary punishment, and used torture to make Lucio and his friends confess, to no avail. But the ex-landowners, Sierra and Cantillano, are not so strong, they confess under torture a crime they didn’t commit. They were about to kill Sierra and Cantillano when Lucio Pardo, in order to free the innocent, appears before their torturers to confess he was the author of the attack. Lucio Pardo dies hanged by the military.

The novel closes with the friends remembering Maximo Lujan and his legacy: “The green prison is not only darkness. Maximo lit here the first revolutionary torch. Hundreds of siblings are now responsible for keeping it upright.”

Buy the book Prision Verde here on Amazon.

Romer’s Charter Cities in Honduras

Paul Romer is an economist at Stanford University known for his contributions to the economic theory of growth. After writing several articles in the late 80’s, Paul Romer left academic research to pursue his own business, and now he focuses his energies on promoting his Charter Cities project.

After a trip to the United States, President Lobo and Congress President, Juan Hernandez, went back to Honduras, very excited, supporting the Romer’s ideas. And no wonder. This is a golden opportunity for Honduras development.

The essential idea of Romer’s charter city model is simple. Development is not based on technology itself, nor knowledge, but on good rules expressed in laws and customs that allow to channel the creative energy of people. The cause of the underdevelopment of countries like Honduras is bad laws that do not encourage the necessary investment to boost the country.

So the obvious solution is to change laws, to change the rules of the game, and everything else will follow.

However, it’s not so simple. Profound changes generate enormous resistance from vested interests and popular demands.

Romer’s solution is to create a city from scratch in an uninhabited area, and to provide it of good standards from the beginning, good laws that encourage investment and creativity. This way authoritarian temptations are avoided, the government need not impose anything by force, and no one will be forced to go to a charter city.

Romer likes to put the example of the electricity problem of Guinea, where young people have to study under the street lights at night, because they don’t have electricity in their homes. This is because poor government policies, a rule that sets such a low price for electricity that makes the company loose money for each additional unit sold, so there is no incentive to connect more users. When the president of Guinea tried to change this situation, he had to retreat under the pressure from businesses and consumers accustomed to payinv low fees. In contrast, mobile phone companies do not have this restriction, so there are young people without electricity in their homes who do have cell phones.

The solution to this dilemma is to give more options to people and leaders, and the Charter City is the model that allows us to give more options to both. Instead of attacking head-on the resistance to change, we simply evade it.

A lot of people worry that the charter cities will be handing territory to foreign powers or private investors, however, such is not necessary in the model proposed by Romer. Following the example of the city of Shenzhen in China, Honduras itself could put the new rules for the Charter City, even when others put the money. However, having a strong country or a company sponsoring us can bring more credibility to the project, a credibility that the country may not have by itself.

The issue of national sovereignty is very sensitive, and must be handled with care, remembering that the ultimate goal of the State is the human person as stated by the doctrine of Christian Humanism touted by president Lobo. We must not close our minds against a project that could benefit thousands of compatriots in the name of a misunderstood patriotism. The true patriots seek to benefit their country, and this is certainly a unique opportunity to raise the quality of life of many Hondurans.

Some people want the Charter City to apply the same laws as the rest of the territory, to preserve legality and not sully the national sovereignty. But this makes no sense. The purpose of the charter cities is to provide better rules, regulations or laws than those already being applied in the rest of the country. If the rules of the game are not changed there will be no way to attract massive foreign investment and boost national development. If Honduran laws and government system were the best there would be no need to create charter cities.

The conception of the Honduran government of Charter Cities is explained here.