Divided Resistance

The resistance is clearly divided. This is what the last weekend’s assembly (02/26-27/11) has shown.

The National Front for Popular Resistance (FNRP) against the coup d’Etat has been abandoned by the so-called Liberal Resistance or Liberals in Resistace, the Democratic Unification Party and the resistant faction of the Innovation Party (PINU), and the only group remaining is a conglomerate of union organizations previously known as Bloque Popular (Popular Block).

This Popular Block group in its intolerance has discriminated against other groups that denounced the alleged coup, including indigenous, feminist and homosexual associations.

Former president Manuel Zelaya was confirmed in the position of coordinator. He instructed the FNRP to not form a political party. However, the FNRP aims to control power, and for this it needs to draw on other resources outside the electoral contest, such as to destabilize the government in order to give an effective coup d’Etat.

It was to be expected that a group that clings to the past as a reason to exist will lose its relevance. Insisting on the coup issue will not bring any improvement to the country. Having successfully carried out the 2009 elections the “resistance” against the coup seems no longer relevant.

With his decision to evade the electoral struggle and his discrimination against the liberal resistance, Zelaya confirms his de facto separation of the Liberal Party that installed him in office. You can not ask a political party to not participate in elections because it loses its raison d’etre.

In addition, his denunciation of the coup is compromised, given his support of Hugo Chavez regime, who is pleased to support the Libya’s genocide perpetrated by dictator Muammar Gaddafi.

The alleged human rights violations in Honduras during the alleged coup are nothing compared to the “socialist” carnage of the African dictator in Libya, who has hired mercenaries to massacre his own people.

If the FNRP was really popular, the strategy to conquer power could not be more simple: to form a political party, winning the elections, and once in office to change the system from within, turning it into a populist dictatorship, making the Constituent Assembly in which they so much insist.

But it seems they don’t really believe that popular support will translate into votes for them, so they rely more on insurgency and violence.

And as an excuse for not participating in elections they put conditions: the return of ex-President Zelaya with total impunity, the installment of the Constituent Assembly and the dismantling of the Supreme Court and the Military Forces. When the logical course of action would be to do all these things after seizing power and not before.

Any political force that wants to develop its own agenda needs to first come to power. This is a basic principle of political activity.

But before they assume control of the country they need to explain to the people what is their real agenda, what are the changes they want to do, what exactly they want to change in the Constitution. They must explain these things so that people know what to expect when voting for them.

But they are unable to do so, or do not want to, because in the end the Constituent Assembly is just an empty slogan made to disguise a clumsy populist dictatorship.

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